The Arabic World and Arab Politics in Palestine, Important Points from Albright, et al, Palestine: A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, Yale University Press, 1947.

• When discussing the “Arab world” or “Arab politics”, it is important to understand exactly who the Arabs are. Citing H.A.R. Gibb in The Arabs, Oxford, 1941, p. 3, Albright, et al, define them as, “All those are Arabs for whom the central fact of history is the mission of Mohammed and the memory of the Arab Empire, and who in addition, cherish the Arabic tongue and its cultural heritage as their common possession.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 429.

• The Muslim faith developed in the 7th century, with the life and teachings of Mohammed, who is considered a prophet by Muslims. Preaching to those living in Western Arabia, the grounding principle being, “There is no God but Allah”, Mohammed taught a monotheistic ideal during a polytheistic time (with the exception of Judaism). “Submission to the will of Allah” pulled followers away from life-styles of gambling, drinking, and inner-tribal fighting.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 429.

• Because the Islamic faith deemed all its followers as “brothers”, the Arabian traditions of raiding, looting and killing other Arabian tribes and villages soon decreased, for it was understood that Allah looked down upon the slaying of Muslim brothers. Those who were no longer spending their efforts drinking and feuding could now direct those energies towards larger conquests. By the end of the 7th century, Islamic Arabians had acquired all of Western Asia through the mountains of Afghanistan, and from North Africa across to the Atlantic.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 430.

• As the Arabian Muslims swept through their conquests, they approached potential converts with three options- accept the Koran (conversion), death by sword, or “pay tribute”. This third option was most often offered to Christians and Jews, as they were considered “people of the book”, and less-offensive than the pagans. Paying tribute meant to pay fees or taxes to remain on the land, and to willingly accept a “second class” status. Those who paid tribute could still practice their faith, but not at the expense of or in conflict with their Muslim neighbors.
Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 430.

• Although history often glamorizes the spread of Islam as conversion by sword, in fact the majority of their success came from the fact that they accepted everyone who was willing to convert, and that so many others paid the “tribute” taxes. The Arabians who initiated the campaign were no longer the majority people within their Muslim brethren by the end of the century. With the absorption of Armenians, Persians, Greeks and more, the Islamic people grew rich in history, the arts, science and poetry. Ethnically diverse and united by religion and a melding common culture, Islam “…synthesized the cultural heritage of the Iranian East and the Hellenic West.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 431.

• Albright, et al point to four issues that have united all Arabs and Muslims, regardless of ethnic heritage. They include-

• Jihad – Defined as “the religious duty of spreading Islam by force of arms”. Dying through jihad gives the deceased a martyr status, and special privileges in the afterlife.

• Restoration of the Caliphate – A Caliph is considered to be a direct successor of Mohammad, absolute in his rule and governing. Kemal Ataturk dissolved the Caliphate in 1924, and so seeking to restore this type of leadership has united many factions of Muslims.

• Divine Right of Occupation – Muslims believe that all lands conquered by Muslims (directly with the help of Allah), at any time, remain Muslim land, as inalienable possessions.

• Superiority of Muslim over Non-Muslim – Inherent in the Muslim faith is the idea that “legally there cannot be political equality of Muslim and non-Muslim.” The belief that Christians and Jews are “marked by the sign of the anger and the malediction of the Almighty,” means that they are to be ‘tolerated’ to a certain extent, but always hold a secondary status, as persons who exchange certain rights for the ability to practice their religion and customs. This status is known as dhimmi.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, pp. 433 – 434, citing Jeffery, op.cit., pp. 388, 389 and Journal Asiatique, Vol. 18, Paris, 1851m p. 408.

• Muslims can be divided into two groups, the Sunnis and Shiis. The divide initiated, at least, as a political one and not over the tenets of the faith. The Sunnis believe that the succession of caliphs from early Islam through the early 1900s is correct, while the Shiis believe that Ali, cousin and son-in-law of Mohammed, was the only legitimate caliph, and that all successors have been attempts to infringe upon his historical reign. More recently the divide has become religious, as the Sunnis tend to be more tolerant and united, and the Shiis have split into many smaller factions, more “mystic and sectarian, secretive and intolerant.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 442.

• The split between the Shiis and the Sunnis has also caused difficulties in focusing on a united Arab national movement. Sometimes, the emphasis is placed on a strengthening of the religion, and keeping of the traditions. At other times, it appears to move more towards breaking from the constraints of tradition, and moving in a more western modality of “progress.” Such rifts may be attributed to purely religious beliefs, or perhaps desire for social change. Land owners and those in positions of power might be more interested in maintaining status quo, reverting to older ways, as a means of maintaining their privilege. Working class, on the other hand, could see modernization as a catalyst for equality, and a chance to improve their quality of life.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 443.

• Arab “independence” has encountered several barriers, some from within and others from exterior forces. The division of the Middle East by France and Great Britain for their own means has geographically separated the population, but Albright, et al state the more dividing is the socio-economic status and struggles for power amongst large families or tribes. As a result, each Arab country has come to their own independence, in their own way, but more or less with separate identities.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 450.

• An example of divisions in the Arab world can be seen in the development of Saudi Arabia. Ibn Saud, considered a founder of Saudi Arabia, was an adamant follower of the doctrine of the Wahabis. So stringent in thought and practice, Saud considered anything not expressly permitted by the Koran to be sacrilege and sinful. His guide to good faith- pray, read the Koran and wage war against infidels. Anyone who did not adhere to these strict ideals, including other Muslims, was an infidel.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 452.

• The importance of Palestine to Islam can be traced to a religious belief that the prophet Mohammed was, one night, magically moved from his home city to a stone platform (Haram esh-Sharif) at the Dome of the Rock of the Mosque of Aqsa (located in what is now known as the Old City of Jerusalem). He then ascended to the seventh heaven with his mythical horse. After this experience, it is told, Mohammed designated Haram esh-Sharif as the location towards which Muslims should pray. Mecca was later chosen for this purpose, but Jerusalem remains a holy city for Muslims today.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 462.

• Albright, et al, state that in the 1920s and 1930s it was “highly improbable that any but a small part of the …Arab population of Palestine is descended from the ancient inhabitants of the land.” Most people living in the region were likely brought by those conquering at different times, or drifting and nomadic tribes.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, pp. 462-463, citing George Adam Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, Hodder and Stoughten, 21st ed., pp. 7 ff.

• A difficult economy throughout Palestine and Syria spurred a fair amount of emigration of those living in the area, prior to the First World War. When Britain established her Civil Administration the emigration of Arabs slowed, however the number of recorded emigrants still exceeded that of the immigrants. Many left for Egypt, Central and South America, as well as the United States.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 464.

• The Arabs living in Palestine in the 1920s did not face the divisions amongst Muslims that other places in the Middle East were seeing. Here, most all Muslims identified as Sunnite. But strife between Christian and Muslim Arabs was of issue. A great deal of resentment was harbored towards Christian Arabs; not only were they infidels, for having chosen Christianity over Islam, but they were often better educated and thus enjoyed a higher standard of living, due to missionary works and schools which benefited them. Most Arab lawyers, doctors, writers and government officials were Christian Arabs.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 465.

• As political cohesion for all populations in Palestine grew, the Arabs drew into two main groups.

• Mejlissin – Structured around the Husaini family, this group was made up of dignitaries, landowners, merchants, professionals and some Christians (particularly Roman Catholics).

• Muaridin – Also composed of higher classmen and led by the Mayor of Jerusalem Ragheb Bey Nashashibi. Their constituency consisted of Christians from the Greek Orthodox Church.

Both groups campaigned for an Arab National Government. In general, the Mejlissin were considered more extreme, the Muaridin more moderate, but in issues regarding the Jews and a Jewish state, they were united in resistance and refusals.

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 470.

• The issue of the Jewish state became a strong unifying factor for the Arabs, bringing Christian and Muslim Arabs together for a single cause. The Mejlissin and Muaridin came together with other Muslim-Christian organizations and formed the Third Palestine Arab Congress in 1920(although it was truly the first congress of its kind independent of Syria).

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 474.

• The Third Palestine Arab Congress believed that “Palestine, the Holy Land, belongs to the Christian and Muslim worlds and the administration of its affairs should not be entrusted to non-Muslims and non-Christians.” In the resolution passed in 1920, they addressed the growing violence and disruptions between Arabs and Jews in Palestine, should their request for a national government and the abolition of the Zionist Policy, with the following paragraph-

“The Congress, being fully confident that its just demands will receive favorable consideration, desires to confirm that any delay in their execution will mean the continuation of the present undesirable situation, the increase of the disappointment of the Arab people, and the incurrence of exorbitant expenditure on the maintenance of internal and external peace.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 475, citing Mogannam, op. cit., pp. 125-127.

• The Seventh Palestine Arab Congress showed great movement and a change of tactics in pushing their demands. In 1928, the group met in Jerusalem, and issued a resolution that now sought to absolve the Mandate (the Mandate has not officially been in effect during the first few Congressional meetings). The focus was shifting away from the Balfour Declaration. Now, the Arab Congress demanded fair representation in a local government.

“Palestine is no more backward than any of the neighboring Arab countries which enjoy on a wide scale parliamentary constitutions of various kinds. The Arabs of Palestine cannot and will not tolerate the present colonial regime, and they demand in accordance with all their rights the creation of a representative body to draft the Palestine constitution which will guarantee the institution of a parliamentary government in Palestine.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 487.

• Albright, et al, provide a tidy summary of just a few of the large oversights made by the British during the early part of the administration of the Mandate.

“The optimistic view was largely the projection of Western liberal mentality on to a situation marked by a quite different social and cultural configuration. It failed to give adequate consideration to conditions in the Near East- to the aggressive political character of the Arabic-Islamic tradition; to the growth of Arab nationalism and its manner of expression in neighboring Arab countries; to the general backwardness of economic and educational development among the masses of the Arab population; to the character of Palestine Arab political leadership and its social basis.”

Albright, et al, Palestine- A Study of Jewish, Arab and British Policies, Vol. I, 1947, Yale University Press, p. 491.

Summary by Rina Abrams.